§1. Introduction^[1]

§1.1 The Vanderbilt Divinity Library cuneiform texts were originally assembled by James H. Stevenson (1860-1919). In 1989, his family donated the collection to Vanderbilt University along with Stevenson’s old notes, small labels, and the medicine boxes where he had kept the objects.^[2] A Biblical scholar and Assyriologist, Stevenson served as a Faculty member at the Vanderbilt Biblical Department/School of Religion, now the Divinity School, beginning in 1893 and in 1898 he was appointed Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Exegesis. He spent several summers in London working on cuneiform tablets in the British Museum and, as a result of that research, he published his Assyrian and Babylonian Contracts with Aramaic Reference Notes (1902). In 1900, Stevenson took a leave of absence in Europe, most likely to work at Near Eastern collections. Although it is possible that he acquired at least part of his cuneiform collection in Europe, it is uncertain exactly where and when the items were obtained.

§1.2. The texts edited here consists of 23 clay tablets and 1 clay cone. The time range spans from Amar-Suen’s 2nd regnal year to the 6th year of Cyrus. In this edition, texts are presented in chronological order. There are 10 Ur III archival administrative documents of various contents (nos. 1-10). Two half-tablets written on similar clay are broken along the vertical axis and kept in the same box. The lower edge of the first half and the upper edge of the second half seem to have been artificially levelled in modern times to give the impression that both halves belonged to the same tablet. They are, however, two different literary texts: the upper half is a copy of Šulgi’s letter to Aradĝu 1 (CKU 2) and the lower half is a copy of A Praise for Šulgi (Šulgi A) (nos. 11-12). The two copies of the same royal inscription of Sîn-kāšid were written on a tablet and a cone (nos. 13-14). Nine of the records are archival administrative tablets from the Old Babylonian period (nos. 15-23), one of those is a letter from Šamaš-ḫāzir to Bēlšunu (no. 17). The last tablet is a legal procedure issued at Uruk and dated to the reign of Cyrus.

§2.0. Catalogue of VDL cuneiform texts

§3.0. Text Editions^[3]

§3.1. VDL 03

Measurements (cm): 2.8 x 2.5
Date: AS 2/x/12 (Ur III)
Provenance: Puzriš-Dagān (Drehem)
Type: Administrative (goats transferred)

§3.1.1. Note

§3.1.1.1. This tablet was originally kept in box 4 together with 5. VDL 05. Flourishy handwriting note states: “No. 4. Temple receipt for / 3 kids. Date 2350 B.C. / Found at Jokha?”

§3.2. VDL 23

Measurements (cm): 3.4 x 3.7
Date: AS 2/diri/Ø (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (labor record)

§3.2.1. Note

§3.2.1.1. ln. 2. The meaning of šu gur_x(ŠE.KIN) is uncertain. The translation offered here is only tentative and is based on the following reasoning. For šu-gur M. Civil (1987: 51-54) gives the meanings 1) “to roll up, to wrap around,” used for reed mats, bandages, cloths, hair, and so forth; 2) “to pick grapes;” and 3) “to wipe/clean the body with bread (in a magical rite).” Furthermore, in his discussion of the readings of KIN, he points out that in cases where šu-KIN = sêru “to rub,” the reading šu-sag₁₁/sig₁₈ is likely (Civil 1994: 169), which has, one is to deduce, a different meaning if read šu gur₁₀(KIN). For the ePSD šu gur and šu gur₁₀(KIN) both mean 1) “to wipe clean,” 2) “to erase,” Akk. kapāru “to peel, strip” (http://psd.museum.upenn.edu/nepsd-frame.html, accessed 04-27-2021). The Database of Neo-Sumerian Texts (http://bdts.filol.csic.es, accessed 04-27-2021) shows six attestations of (šu) gur_x-a together with šu-sar, “rope.” These tablets are: (1) Nik. 2 151 (P121834), (2) MVN 21 70 (P120307), (3) Nik. 2 123 (P121806), (4) AnOr 7 369 (P101664), (5) BPOA 6 378 (P210178), and (6) Syracuse 156 (P130707), dated to AS 3/Ø/Ø, AS 7/Ø/Ø, ŠS 4/xi/Ø, ŠS 4/xii/Ø, ŠS 5/x/Ø, and ŠS 6/xi/Ø, respectively. All of them come from Umma. Three of these texts (Nik. 2 123, AnOr 7 369, and BPOA 6 378) mention the mar-sa, a facility where boats were built and restored (see Alivernini 2013, with previous bibliography). Ropes figure among the materials listed for the construction of various types of vessels at the mar-sa (TCL 5 5673; P131744), and the use of rope for boats is documented (see, e.g., Landsberger 1967: 21, Finkel 2014: 161-166, Jiménez 2017: 259). Since in Akkadian the verb for making ropes is patālu, “to twist,” from which pitiltu (šu-sar), “rope,” is derived, one would expect that in Sumerian the verb for making ropes has to convey the idea of a similar action. As far as I know, however, lexical lists do not provide the Sumerian equivalent of patālu. But judging from UTI 4 2365:1-2 (P140384)(¹6 ½ guruš u₄ 1-še₃ ²šu-sar sur-ra) and TCS 42: 1-2 (P131827) (¹30 guruš u₄ 1-še₃ ²šu^?-sar sur-ra), it is possible that the verb for making ropes was sur, “to spin, to twist” (Akk. ṭawû). If so, then it would be reasonable to argue that šu gur_x is a homophone of šu gur, meaning “to roll up, to wrap around.” Whether šu gur_x has the more specific nuance of “to coil” or “to tie with a rope” will have to wait for additional evidence. Thanks are due to M. Molina and G. Rubio for sharing their views on šu gur_x and for bibliographical references; they are not to be held responsible for the conclusions reached in this note.

§3.3. VDL 08

Measurements (cm): 4.0 x 4.0
Date: AS 3/Ø/Ø (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (tablet basket)

§3.3.1. Note

§3.3.1.1. Illegible traces of seal impressions on the obverse and lower edge.

§3.4. VDL 04

Measurements (cm): 5.2 x 4.1
Date: AS 5/Ø/Ø (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (pigs for the palace)

§3.4.1. Notes

§3.4.1.1. Markings: 6 (written with read pencil on the obverse and reverse).

§3.4.1.2. Later handwriting note states “You remember that Abraham came from Ur / of the Chaldees. / Clay tablet # 6, is / a temple record, / on which the seal / of Bur-Sin, king of / Ur, was pressed in / 2300 BC, 4259 / years ago.” The latter date suggests that this type of handwriting is from 1959.

§3.4.1.3. Seal impressions all over the obverse and reverse. Seal inscription copied from the impression on the reverse.

§3.4.1.4. ln 5: perhaps the PN is to be restored [an-na-ḫi]-⌜li⌝-bi, who is attested in texts from Umma dealing with cattle. In Nik. 2 246 (AS 7) (P121929), he appears in a document bearing the seal of Ur-Lisi.

§3.5. VDL 05

Measurements (cm): 2.1 x 1.8
Date: AS 6/xii/15 (Ur III)
Provenance: Puzriš-Dagān (Drehem)
Type: Administrative (dead goats)

§3.5.1. Notes

§3.5.1.1. Markings: x (written with red pencil on the left and right edges).

§3.5.1.2. Flourishy handwriting note states: “Messenger tablet? or receipt for 1 kid.”

§3.6. VDL 11

Measurements (cm): 2.9 x 2.7
Date: ŠS 5/ii/20 (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (messenger text)

§3.6.1. Notes

§3.6.1.1. Markings: 11 (written with red pencil on the lower edge and reverse).

§3.6.1.2. Flourishy handwriting note states: “No. 11 / Found at Drehem / Messenger tablet.” Later handwriting note reads: “No 11 – 4000 BC / A beautiful / little messenger / tablet, with tiny / letters, which / must have been / written by a / very good scribe / undated – untransl.”

§3.7. VDL 16

Measurements (cm): 5.5 x 4.4
Date: ŠS 5/Ø/Ø (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma?
Type: Administrative (amounts of beer for festival)

§3.7.1. Note

§3.7.1.1. Marking: 7 (written with black pencil on the right edge).

§3.8. VDL 02

Measurements (cm): 3.5 x 3.4
Date: ŠS 7/vii/Ø (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (barely, the price of sheep)

§3.9. VDL 06

Measurements (cm): 2.6 x 2.1
Date: Ø/x/Ø (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (messenger text)

§3.9.1. Note

§3.9.1.1. Markings: 4 (written with red pencil on the obverse and right edge).

§3.10. VDL 01

Measurements (cm): 4.2 x 3.7
Date: undated (Ur III)
Provenance: Umma
Type: Administrative (half-bricks)

§3.10.1. Notes

§3.10.1.1. Marking: B (written with red pencil on the reverse).

§3.10.1.2. ln. 1: For ar-ḫa, “half-brick,” see Heimpel (2004: 2-3).

§3.10.1.3. ln. 4: I wish to acknowledge one of the anonymous reviewers, who suggested the translation “(bricks brought) after Gu’u was dead” and provided me with the reference to Civil 2011: 232-233.

§3.10.1.4. ln. 5: The phonetic writing al-u₃-ra seems to be another, thus far unattested, variant for alura. For “to bake bricks,” see M. Powell (1972: 191, n. 61) and W. Sallaberger (1996 n. 3).

§3.11. VDL 14A

Measurements (cm): 6.5 x 5.5
Date: undated (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Literary letter (Šulgi to Aradĝu 1)

§3.11.1. Notes

§3.11.1.1. Only the upper half of the tablet is preserved. It is split in two halves along the vertical axis. The lower part of the tablet was artificially cut clean and glued to the lower part of a different tablet (12.VDL 14B). This was certainly done in modern times. Both tablets are the same color and were perhaps written by the same hand.

§3.11.1.2. The letter is known as Šulgi to Aradĝu 1 = CKU 2, ll. 1-13 and 27-33. This exemplar is an imgida tablet Type III (see Michalowski 2011: 48, with previous bibliography), which originally contained the whole composition. The letter was recently edited and studied by P. Michalowski (2011: 282), who cites 22 other sources.

§3.11.1.3. ln. 3: VDL 14A is the only manuscript with the variant in-ši-in-kin-na-zu instead of in-ši-gi₄-in-na-zu. The corrupt writing lu₂-da-zu for lu₂-dun-a-zu is also attested in ms Ni 9706 (ISET 2 112). For a score of all previous manuscripts see Michalowski (2011: 284-292).

§3.11.1.4. ln. 6: the second ga₂ is possibly written over an erasure.

§3.11.1.5. ln. 8: this line, appears as a variant of line 7 in the following manuscripts: U.17900 (UET 6/2 181), YBC 4185, and YBC 4596, see Michalowski (2011: 285).

§3.11.1.6. ln. 10: lu₂-noun+gal-adj.+gal-adj.+bi-pron.+ne-pl. This manuscript seems to miss a line between line 10 and 11 (but see the next note), which corresponds to line 10 of Michalowski’s (2011: 275) composite text, namely, za-pa-ag₂-gu₁₀ kur-kur ḫe₂-eb-si.

§3.11.1.7. ln. 11: ⌜-gu₁₀-ga₂⌝ instead of -ga₂-gu₁₀. It is not unlikely that this line is the one missing between line 10 and 11, with the verb šub instead of the verb si.

§3.11.1.8. ln. 2’: all extant manuscripts have i₃-gur₄-re-en; gur₄ meaning “to be thick,” “to be/feel big.” In the present tablet, the verb is written with the sign bul/tuku₄. I interpret it as tuku₄.r.e.en, where /tukur/ = kabtum “important.” For tukur = ka-ab-tum, see MLS 09, 124-137 viii 28a:507; for tu-kur lagab = ka-ab-tu, see Ea I 26; t[u-kur] lagab = kab^!-tum A I/2:26, see also MSL 9 133: 507 and MSL 14, 177.

§3.11.1.9. ln. 3’: in this manuscript the last sign is zu₂ instead of zu.

§3.11.1.10. ln 5’: other manuscripts have min-na-zu-ne-ne.

§3.12. VDL 14B

Measurements (cm): 7.0 x 5.5
Date: undated (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Literary (Šulgi A. A praise for Šulgi)

§3.12.1. Notes

§3.12.1.1. Only the lower half of the tablet is preserved. It is broken in two big pieces along the vertical axis and there are two further fragments from the bottom. See note 1 under §3.11. VDL 14A.

§3.12.1.2. Šulgi A, ll. 11-35. This exemplar is an imgida tablet Type III, which originally contained the first half of the composition. At present, there are other 75 copies of this poem. P. Delnero (2006: 1858-1909) offered a score of the 67 manuscripts available by 2006, and in 2011 L. Vacín published another 8 tablets with Šulgi A from the Schøyen Collection.

§3.12.1.3. For a translation of the entire poem into English verse, see Michalowski (2016: 120-121).

§3.12.1.4. ln. 11’: there is an a-sign following the ga-sign. It is not clear whether there are traces of a sign in the broken space between the a and šu signs.

§3.12.1.5. ln. 12’: only the beginning of the sa₂-sign is visible; other manuscripts have ḫa-ma-da-sa₂-am₃.

§3.12.1.6. ln. 18’: the sign mu seems to be written over the erased beginning of a ne-sign. The gur^! is actually an iri-sign.

§3.12.1.7. ln. 22’ rev.: for še₁₇^! there is a clear di-sign after the first a₂-sign, followed by a partially broken sign, which seems to be a ⌜muš₃⌝. Thus, še₁₇ was written DI.MUŠ₃ instead of MUŠ₃.DI.

§3.13. VDL 19

Measurements (cm): 6.0 x 5.2
Date: Sîn-kāšid (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: Uruk
Type: Royal inscription on tablet

§3.13.1. Note

§3.13.1.1. Inscriptions 13.VDL 19 and 14.VDL 12 are duplicates written on a clay tablet and a clay cone respectively. For duplicates, see D. Frayne (1990: 448-50, E4.4.1.4).

§3.14. VDL 12

Measurements (cm): 6.0 width x 3.4 diameter
Date: Sîn-kāšid (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: Uruk
Type: Royal inscription on clay cone

§3.14.1. Note

§3.14.1.1. Duplicate of 13. VDL 19.

§3.15. VDL 15

Measurements (cm): 8.4 x 5.0
Date: RS 56/x/10 (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown. Kingdom of Larsa
Type: Exchange of houses

§3.15.1. Notes

§3.15.1.1. Marking: C (written with red pencil on the upper edge).

§3.15.1.2. Three seal impressions on the reverse and traces on the obverse and on the left edge.

§3.15.1.3. ln. 13: ak is written over an erasure.

§3.15.1.4. ll. 23-24: a-ḫu-šu-nu a₂-gal₂ and lu₂-na-tum kuš₇ are attested as the first and third witnesses respectively in YOS 5 106: 45, 47, dated to RS 37.

§3.15.1.5. ln. 24: For the transcription Lunatum, see Stol (1982: 187).

§3.15.1.6. ln. 25: The personal name i₃-li₂-bi-nam is unattested and problematic. A similar PN, i₃-li₂-bi-na-ia, is attested in Mari (e.g., ARM 32, p. 456 [M.6696]). One possibility is to consider it as a sentence with an elided verb, “My-god-(gave-me)-a-son,” following Knudsen’s (1991: 877) interpretation of i₃-li₂-bi-na-a-ia as “My god (gave) my sons.” However, when discussing this name, Streck (2000: 308) maintains that the ellipsis of the verb does not have an onomastic parallel. Based on the pattern in names such as i₃-li₂-ḫa-aṣ-na-a-a (“Mein Gott ist Schutz”) and i₃-li₂-ši-im-ḫa-ia (“Mein Gott ist Pracht”), he suggests that i₃-li₂-bi-na-a-ia is to be interpreted as “Mein Gott ist …(?).” Another possibility is that i₃-li₂-bi-nam in our text is a mistake for Ilī-iddinam, who is attested with the title kuš₇ in YOS 5 106: 51, together with a-ḫu-šu-nu a₂-gal₂ and lu₂-na-tum kuš₇. An unlikely possibility is to take the second element of the name as the imperative bīn (see AHw Band I, p. 126b; see also Roth 1989: 4, footnote 17, with previous bibliography), “Oh, my god, please give me!”. This verbal form is known from Ištar’s speech requesting the Bull of Heaven from her father Anum in SB Gilgamesh and from archival documents from the first millennium, but is unattested for the OB period.

§3.16. VDL 09

Measurements (cm): 6.0 x 4.0 (tablet)
(Tablet + envelope)
Date: Ḫa 35a/xi/11 (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: Larsa?
Type: deposition + oath

§3.16.1. Notes

§3.16.1.1. Flourishy handwriting note reads: “No. 18 Senkereh – Larsa / First Dynasty / Envelope unburnt / tablet c. 2400 BC.”

§3.16.1.2. Seal impressions on the left, upper and lower edge of the tablet (the markings on the upper edge were erased in antiquity), and on the envelope.

§3.16.1.3. ln. 1: For the silver objects mentioned in this line, I am ruling out the reading gaba, meaning “pectoral” or “pectoral strap.” This is so because ½ shekel weights 4.15 grams, which divided by the 5 objects will give us 0.83 grams each. These objects are, therefore, not pectorals. Based on the comparison with bad = petû > pītu, “clasp (of a necklace)” (see CAD, sv. pītu, pp. 445-447), I am taking du₈ = paṭāru > piṭru, “release” (see CAD sv. piṭru, p. 449, and AHw p. 871), with a similar meaning, but this is only hypothetical.

§3.17. VDL 17

Measurements (cm): 7.5 x 4.4
Date: Undated (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: letter from Šamaš-ḫāzir to Bēlšunu

§3.17.1. Notes

§3.17.1.1. Other 11 letters from Šamaš-ḫāzir to Bēlšunu were published in AbB 9. 20; 28; 51; 58; 85(?); 99; 103; 137; 142; 274; and 275.

§3.17.1.2. ln. 8: The initial traces after ^gešgešimmar do not support the reading ⌜dilmun⌝-na.

§3.17.1.3. ln. 11: For the personal name Mudammiqum, see Stamm (1968: 115; 342).

§3.17.1.4. ln. 13: the PN is either Šamaš-ilī(ma) or Šamaš-nīšu.

§3.17.1.5. ln. 17: (^geš)ḫašḫur, Akkadian ḫašḫūru, is translated “apple tree” in the dictionaries (CAD Ḫ: 139b, AHw Ḫ:333b), but see Gelb’s (1982: 80) reservations. The meaning of armannum (^gešḫašḫur-kur-ra) is debated. Von Soden translates it as “Aprikose(nbaum)” (AHw A: 69b) and CAD (A/II: 291a) renders it as “(a tree and the aromatic substance obtained from it);” see the discussion in Gelb (1982: 81-2). For the compound entry geš ḫašḫur-ar-ma-nu-um in lexical lists, see Veldhuis (1997: 264, 266 and 282). I tentatively take it as two different trees here, the first written logographically with the plural marker ḫi-a, and the second written syllabically in Akkadian in the oblique case.

§3.17.1.6. ln. 19: the signs ti and šu are written over an erasure.

§3.17.1.7. ln. 21: the sign aš is written over an erasure.

§3.18. VDL 07

Measurements (cm): 5.5 x 4.0
Date: Sumu-abum 5^?/vi/Ø (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: sale of a field

§3.18.1. Notes

§3.18.1.1. Marking: 6 (or) 9 (written with black pencil on the upper edge).

§3.18.1.2. Traces of seal impressions on the lower and right edges.

§3.18.1.3. ln. 2: I take the noun tillatu as a Geographic name, although it does not have (a) geographic determinative(s) and it is not attested in the RGTC III or elsewhere, as far as I know.

§3.18.1.4. ln. 7: The reading of this PN is tentative. Tukultī in the OB period is usually written syllabically or KU-ti, but Stamm (1968: 236 fn. 1) gives the example ta₃-ab-tukulti(KU)-šu.

§3.18.1.5. ln. 14: For the Amorite name ku-un-ša-nu-um, see Gelb (1980: 139, 409, 511, 616) sv. ku-un-za-nu-um, with za instead of ša, possibly for /śa/ (see, e.g., Streck 2000: 201-203).

§3.18.1.6. ln. 19: The name of the last witness is written after the month, and, for lack of space, the last signs of his name and profession are written over three different lines.

§3.18.1.7. ln. 20: This seems to be an unattested variant of Sumu-abum’s 5^th regnal year, with the addition of the phrase unu₂ mu-bi.

§3.19. VDL 13

Measurements (cm): 8.0 x 5.0
Date: Undated (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Memorandum

§3.19.1. Notes

§3.19.1.1. Marking: 14 (written with black pencil on the reverse).

§3.19.1.2. ll. 9-10: Traces of a vertical and a lower horizontal wedges are what remains of the first sign. The reading ⌜ma-ru⌝-ur, which would semantically fit, is ruled out because of the second vowel. The word šu-ku-uk could be either a G imperative, as taken here, or a D stative 3 m.sg; and e-ri-iš could be G stative 3 m.sg. or G preterite 1 c.sg.

§3.20. VDL 18

Measurements (cm): 12.0 x 10.0
Date: Not preserved (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Tabular account

§3.20.1. Note

§3.20.1.1. The tablet is crumbling. Only 14 poorly preserved lines remain. In its current state, 5 columns are distinguishable. Faint vertical traces might indicate two more columns right to the fifth, but this is not certain.

§3.21. VDL 20

Measurements (cm): 3.5 x 3.0
Date: Not preserved (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Administrative (too fragmentary)

§3.21.1. Note

§3.21.1.1. Transliteration and translation are not provided because only a few signs are fully preserved. The tablet is crumbling and flat on both sides, which makes it difficult to distinguish the obverse from the reverse. The distinction between sides is hypothetical, solely based on the date on line 4’ of the “reverse”: ⌜u₄⌝ 4(diš)-kam ⌜iti ab^?⌝-[e₃]. The following line might read [mu] ⌜ba⌝-an-⌜x⌝-[…]. The only year name known to me in which the signs ba-an are written right after mu is Sumu-numḫim “a” (Marad, Kazallu), which reads: mu ba-an-du₈-du₈ ku₃-babbar e₂ ^dnu-muš-da mu-na-dim₂.

§3.22. VDL 21

Measurements (cm): 6.0 x 4.0
Date: Undated (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Administrative (sale of a built plot)

§3.22.1. Notes

§3.22.1.1. Marking: 13 (written with black pencil on the left edge).

§3.22.1.2. Traces of seal impressions on the lower edge.

§3.22.1.3. ln. 7: Rāšītum is not attested as a PN, but it is attested in OB lexical lists, as rāšû fem. rāšītum.

§3.22.1.4. ln. 14: the last two signs are squeezed under the line, one on top of the other. There is also an inverted vertical wedge from one of the lines of the obverse.

§3.22.1.5. ln. 15: The name Dulluqum/Dalluqum (mng unknown CAD) is attested in texts from Sippar.

§3.22.1.6. ll. 17-19: Salt crystals cover the end of line 17 and about two-thirds of lines 18 and 19.

§3.22.1.7. ln. 22: Na-na is attested in the Elamite Onomasticon (Zadok 1984: 73). There is also a Na-na-a (without the divine determinative) in AbB 12 63: 7.

§3.23. VDL 22

Measurements (cm): 4.6 x 4.0
Date: Not preserved (Old Babylonian)
Provenance: unknown
Type: Administrative (fodder for oxen)

§3.23.1. Note

§3.23.1.1. Faint traces of seal impressions on the reverse and lower edge.

§3.24. VDL 10

Measurements (cm): 7.0 x 5.5
Date: [Cyrus] 6/[…]/2+ (Achaemenid)
Provenance: Uruk
Type: Administrative (legal procedure)

§3.24.1. Notes

§3.24.1.1. Markings: 15 (written with black pencil on the lower edge and reverse).

§3.24.1.2. Cornelia Wunsch and I will engage more extensively with this tablet in a forthcoming article. For Neo-Babylonian deposition records see Wunsch (2012: 28-32).

§3.24.1.3. ln. 2: For Nabû-zēra-ukīn, son of Nabû-kāṣir, descendant of Arrabtu, see Holz (2009: 136 ln. 19).

§3.24.1.4. ln. 3: The various writings of nu’artu were collected by Roth (1989: 7). For the translation of nârūtu as “status of unmarried woman” see Wunsch (2003: 2-7), with previous literature. For Wunsch, “Als gemeinsamer Nenner von ^fNAR/nu’artu und nârūtu in den vorliegenden Kontexten käme daher „ledig“ (d.h. nie verheiratet) in Betracht” (p. 5). The expression nârūtu epēšu is infrequent in NB archival (legal and administrative) documents. However, a parallel use of the verb epēšu plus an abstract noun as the DO, with the sense of “to be X”, appears in AnOr 8 14: 10, a NB adoption contract from Uruk, where it is said: mala ūmē ša PN / ḫarī ’ūtu teppušu, “as long as PN shall be a ḫarīmtu” (according to the translation of the CAD, sv. ḫarīmūtu, p. 102b); or, more literally, one can translate “as long as she practices prostitution.” In VDL 10, nârūtu epēšu seems to convey the idea that, while at Zēra-ukīn’s, Sikkû kept the status of an unmarried woman.

§3.24.1.5. ln. 4 : Marduk-šuma-ibni is known from YOS 6 225 dated to Nabonidus 12/xi/6, where he is accused of delaying a batch of sesame for the Eana (see Dandamayev and Wunsch 2011).

§3.24.1.6. ln 6: The signs after ībukuš are clumsily written. The name of the qīpu is written with the theophoric name ^Id⌜en⌝, a mistake for ^Id⌜diš⌝, i.e., Anu-šarra-uṣur, who was the qīpu of the Eana from the 17^th year of Nabonidus to the 4^th year of Cambyses (Kleber 2008: 31). I wish to thank one of the anonymous reviewers for the suggestions to improve the understanding of lines 6 and 7.

§3.24.1.7. ln. 20: the marking of female slavery, amtūtu (here, andūtu, with dissimilation) is written geme₂-u₂-tu in Cyr. 307:9 and 312:27. In both documents, the mark of female slavery, is a threat to prevent young women from inappropriate behaviour with men. The signs after andūtu do not support the reading ta-maḫ-ḫar.

§3.24.1.8. ln. 21: the signs after taq-bi um-ma are poorly preserved. Unfortunately, Sikkû’s declaration cannot be reconstructed. The reading ⌜nar-tum a-na-ku⌝ does not seem likely, judging from the extant traces. The reading ⌜a^?⌝-kul, in this context seems preferable to ⌜a^?⌝-qul. The šak sign at the end of the line may suggest a stative in the 1st person singular.

§3.24.1.9. ln. 55: Nādin = Nabû-nādin-aḫi, son of Mušēzib-Bēl, descendant of Nannāya. He is also attested in Nbn 682. Reference courtesy of C. Wunsch.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Footnotes

^[1] Faculty, staff, and students from Vanderbilt have been extremely supportive: especial thanks are due to Joe Rife, former Director of the Classical and Mediterranean Studies Program; Emily Townes, Dean of the Divinity School; Valerie Hotchkiss, former University Librarian; Bill Hook, Retired Director of the Divinity Library; Bobby Smiley, Director of the Divinity Library; Charlotte Lew, Collections and Special Projects Coordinator at the Divinity Library; Doug Knight, Leong Seow and Herbert Marbury; and Serena McMillan. Annalisa Azzoni has helped me in more ways than I can possibly acknowledge; her kind disposition to collate signs and discuss problematic terms merits particular mention. Gary Beckman has commented on the Old Babylonian tablets and Piotr Michalowski on the Sumerian texts. Norman Yoffee has encouraged the publication of this collection and read several versions of the manuscript. Cornelia Wunsch has generously helped with the reading of difficult lines and passages from the Achaemenid tablet (no. 24).

^[2] In Stevenson’s classification system, some tablets bear a handwritten number or letter either in black or red pencil. In other cases, the number or letter was simply written on the box. Only 5 of the original boxes were preserved and only 11 out of all 24 tablets were identified with numbers or letters written on them with pencil. In two cases, where the original boxes were preserved, the number on the box was different from the tablet number. Because some of the tablets did not have a number, a letter, or a box, it was necessary to unify the system. For that purpose, the tablets were put into new boxes, assigned the signature VDL (Vanderbilt Divinity Library) and given a number, which, occasionally, differs from the number or letter written on the tablet. When the tablet bears a pencil annotation, it is recorded in the first note of the respective tablet edition. Different types of notes were preserved: some were glued to the box’s lid and some were a loose slip of paper; therefore, it is not always possible to match a loose slip of paper with an unnumbered or unlettered tablet. There are two (possibly three) different handwritings: one from the early 20^th century, written in black fountain-pen ink (flourishy handwriting), and the other from the second half of the 20^th century (later handwriting, possibly from 1959; see 5.VDL 04, note 2). The latter sometimes transcribes an earlier note and sometimes it is the only surviving reference. The possible third handwriting is also written in black fountain-pen ink, but it is less fancy and is used only once. This note reads: “Pieces 1-13 (not all numbers represented) 1, 3, 4, x, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13.” The handwritten notes provide uneven information: on four occasions only, they mention archaeological provenience. None of the tablets had been transliterated or translated, but in five cases, the contents are briefly mentioned. All relevant information will be provided in notes below the respective tablet edition. The Vanderbilt Divinity Library also received pictures of 4 other tablets that did not make it into the collection. Since those 4 tablets are not part of the VDL, they were not included in this article. Although the photographs are of poor quality as to provide full editions, the contents can be summarized as follows: 1) Ur III tablet from Umma dealing with cows and oxen (full readable lines include: a-tu i₃-dab₅, zi-ga-am₃; de₅-de₅-ga-am₃), with some 40+ lines; 2) the obverse image of an Ur III or Early Old Babylonian archival document, carrying some 8+ lines; 3) an Old Babylonian contract pertaining to two plots of land and mentioning a certain Adad-iddinam, with some 16 lines; 4) a Late Babylonian tablet mentioning Nabû-ēṭir, descendant of Nabû-šuma-ibni, and dated to the 9th month of King Nabonidus’ 9th year, amounting to 5 lines.

^[3] For the transliterations, I have followed the CDLI preferred sign readings (CDLI Preferred Sign Readings), as suggested by the editors.

Version: 2022-12-09

@article{Seri2022Cuneiform,
	note = {[Online; accessed 2024-04-20]},
	address = {Oxford; Berlin; Los Angeles},
	author = {Seri,  Andrea},
	journal = {Cuneiform Digital Library Journal},
	issn = {1540-8779},
	number = {2},
	year = {2022},
	publisher = {Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative},
	title = {Cuneiform {Texts} in the {Collection} of the {Jean} and {Alexander} {Heard} {Divinity} {Library}, {Vanderbilt} {University}},
	url = {https://cdli.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/articles/cdlj/2022-2},
	volume = {2022},
}

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Seri,  Andrea
DA  - 2022///
PY  - 2022
ET  - 2022/10/18/
ID  - cdlj-2022-2
IS  - 2
J2  - CDLJ
SN  - 1540-8779
T2  - Cuneiform Digital Library Journal
TI  - Cuneiform Texts in the Collection of the Jean and Alexander Heard Divi
nity Library, Vanderbilt University
UR  - https://cdli.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/articles/cdlj/2022-2
VL  - 2022
Y2  - 2024/4/20/
ER  -